Since July 1983, when Diego Márquez Horrillo was elected, with the 45% of the vote, National Head of FE de las JONS following the resignation of his predecessor Raimundo Fernandez-Cuesta, the drift of the organization had led to a bizarre situation. Based on the various internal factions, mainly "refreshing" and "reactionary", giving prominence to one or the other depending on the circumstances, Marquez not only did not print a line clear strategic but ideologically, Falange was indecipherable gibberish even to their own members.
After 12 years of uninterrupted leadership, Marquez had to its credit the destruction of the youth wings of the party (and JJFF FFJJE), the disappearance of the SEU, the hostility of the Old Guard and the insubordination of the few remaining active provincial delegations ... the situation reaches the point where, in open rebellion, members evicted from his office in Madrid to the National, having this for months to attend the few visits he received in a cafe near the party headquarters.
However, the ostracism of Marquez was attenuated significantly by joining the party a small but compact group from various sectors of the "diaspora blue that seemed to awaken the consensus of the membership, constituting a hope to change the situation towards the reconstruction of the Falange.
Marquez recovers his office between the indifference of the locals who prefer to ignore Falangists civilized, and appointing new members' deputy secretaries (figure not exist in the statutes and organization of the party).
The newcomers, led by Gustavo Morales, get to work frantically, organizing public events and establishing a strong internal communication campaign through the newsletter in March and the proliferation of advertising circulars and sending delegations of the party. For the first time in years, begin to occur affiliations.
activism and spectacular street reached by the newly created Union of Secondary Education contribute to the mobilization of youth activism is a space in which to develop their commitment beyond outdated militant paramilitary displays.
Summer 1994, at Camp Loma de Asturias Riviello I organizes the CAS (Course Alejandro Salazar) that fails to attract members from all regions, being with a hitherto unprecedented picture, do not talk about Franco and the Civil War or the Second Republic. Discussing political strategy and tactics, turmoil, student movement, social media, public speaking techniques, organizational and accounting. In contrast, Marquez's a fleeting visit to the campers is exploited by him to reclaim his position as head of the head "because they had wanted the members" in an address identical to that then listen to the socialist Felipe González beset by cases of corruption that cost him the Prime Minister and the Secretary General of the PSOE. After
the summer break are drawn New statutes, remained in force until then the leaders of FET! on the grounds that any change in the Register of Political Parties require compliance with the Constitution of 1978 -. The main change in the new constitution (approved by the National Council in November of that year) led to the consideration of the National Headquarters as a collegiate body and the division of areas of work between the national secretariats.
relay Congress
The call for Congress in July 1995 is the last desperate attempt to Marquez for getting re-elected. Forced to present a team comes to old friends who promises to "not having to do anything but pass the procedure of choice." Desperately
National Deputy Chief (another position that did not exist in the statutes or organization) Luis Martinez de Eguilaz, began a round of phone calls to the commissioners on the figure of intoxicating Morales accusing him, among other gems, of "working for a foreign embassy (he was an official in the press office of the Embassy of Iran, as everyone knew).
The anarchic situation in the National Headquarters helps the environment while trying to entangle Márquez distort census militants to infiltrate Related electors in Congress, but the policy of organization and internal communication Morales had gotten an X-ray more or less accurate picture of the party. In the absence of a register of members or clear accounts, distribution of newsletters (requiring provincial delegations to acquire 5 magazines for every militant), renewal of membership cards and a tentative control over the collection of assessments revealed the presence of strangers fraudulently introduced in the Assembly.
attempts also failed to prevent the passage Márquez some commissioners with voice and vote, as charges elected to the cry of "Missing our council!" were introduced by the militants stumbled Madrid were able to occupy their sites despite the threat of stopping Marquez Congress, concerned that it rejected the Board's finding that the right was part of the Selectmen Falangists.
however could not attend the SEU, the organization then under reconstruction, which was formed to unfurl a banner denouncing their exclusion of Congress.
The first item on the agenda of the congress was the adoption of the National Council minutes earlier, giving a result seemingly favorable vote Marquez that tried to present the rejection of record as a condemnation of the new statutes, however this aspect was clarified by Manuel Pereira, Chief Provincial de Guadalajara, who said aloud that his vote against the approval of the minutes of the Council was to prevent Marquez could mortgage their headquarters to emeritus militants had acquired their own, as apparently there had been "cast."
lapsing the Congress was still showing the tricks of Marquez, his lack of leadership and no capacity to assume the party leadership, while team members Morales popped his program, presented in a dossier distributed to the commissioners, Diego secretaries assumptions shrugged when they inquired about their projects ... There had been a vote with the intention of turning quickly to their homes and did not expect anyone were to ask them how they thought fulfill their missions.
Such was the embarrassment that was accumulating that one of the nominated members Marquez took the floor to announce he was leaving this pantomime, explaining that his interest was in working for the Falange and not be a name from a list-vase which was not expected to do anything.
arrived and the final act of the farce, visibly upset at the cancellation of his candidature to be incomplete, intended Márquez assume the post himself abandoned by his own candidate, a claim that causes laughter of the audience who confirmed that the only valid nomination is that of Morales which automatically makes National Chief. Abandon
Falangists that grotesque puppet theater, leaving Marquez with his friends and family who decides to continue a Congress has been closed but this time without obstacles to its highly irregular procedures.
already at the headquarters of the Cuesta de Santo Domingo, the Phalangists access to the office of the National Headquarters, being a spectacle worthy of Diogenes syndrome: accumulated garbage, food scraps, dirty butts in ashtrays, papers on the floor, mess ... negligence. Quickly is hoisted on the balcony a clean, fresh red and black flag replacing faded and worn cloth that rocked lazily in the wind. Morales
improvises a moving speech to a packed hall in which he announces the arrival of the "Republic of the Comrades." Between hugs and tears of joy is just a stage of apathy, indolence and authoritarianism. Everyone thought the hour of the Falange. Everyone thought he had reached the desired relief.
Cristina Perez, and Txuspo
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